On the one hand the pure the other deviants

It focuses much lately on the Chirac-Sarkozy relationship, on the degree of failure that the latter can afford to take over the first. Each event the recent displacement of the Minister of the Interior in the United States, his quarrel with the judges is an opportunity to measure how much as fundamental as the transatlantic relationship topics or the independence of the judiciary, the two men were not the same vision or same reflexes. The right faces a problem of transmission of inheritance that will dominate the end of 2007. But it is not the only one. On the left, too, are the same type of potentially explosive subject. And it is not entirely a coincidence if Lionel Jospin, specialist of the "right to inventory", is responsible for in-person to raise the lid, with all the risks this involves.

Evanescent for four years, former Socialist Prime Minister is, at the age of sixty-nine launched body lost in the battle of the pré-primaires Socialist without any known yet if he will dare actually go to the Act and apply October 3 so that four other contenders (Ségolène Royal, Laurent Fabius, Dominique Strauss-Kahn, Jack Lang) displayed their determination. "My decision is not taken", he assures. You want to believe both the result of the battle which it has incurred appears random: tears it paid by end of August in La Rochelle conceding for the first time a part of personal responsibility in the defeat of 2002 have not moved more that it activists. They have no other suitors for the time being deterred. They have not created significant movement in the polls. They did not Lionel Jospin the strong man to save the Socialist Party of its divisions. And yet it is in human Angel that Lionel Jospin receives and organizes the offensive. The former first Secretary of the PS is thought to be one who will save the Party of his demons and its excesses. It sees itself as the guardian of the temple, alleging that he had adoubé nine years ago of having failed in his mission.

It is symptomatic of see that in this pre-campaign, Lionel Jospin has not chosen as a target main Ségolène Royal but his companion François Hollande. François Hollande that he had installed as first Secretary in 1997 when he became Prime Minister, which has since largely emancipated from his master by re-elect top hand three times, which has experienced overwhelming victories (2004 regional and European elections) and a big defeat (the referendum on Europe from 2005) and who was ultimately unable to bring the party around his own bid. "All the political parties of left and right will go to the presidential election with as their leader." "It seems that this is not the case this time" to PS and "I regret", continues to emphasize Lionel Jospin. In so doing, the former first Secretary point fault of François Hollande who, having failed to bring the party around his own candidacy, left arise "a media phenomenon. I.e., Ségolène Royal, which is close to Lionel Jospin to the sum of all the dangers it poses to the Socialist Party and the entire left: hunting in the lands of the right (security, moral order), it allows to attack the legacy (35 hours), it is not in the party apparatus and will not negotiate with the rest of the left the essential gathering of the second roundis a regional has presidential stature nor concern for the unity of the party. It is a media bubble without following as had previously been Michel Rocard. A trial who signs a break of transmission in the Socialist chain: by the fault of François Hollande, Ségolène Royal would be in a position to threaten the identity and the survival of the Socialist family!

Difficult to distinguish in the positioning by Lionel Jospin between what is pure political calculation and which stems from the belief. From the time that no appeal was in his favour from the depths of the party, it had to be that the former first Secretary develops a mission to justify his return which would otherwise, emerged as a big sin of pride. This mission is the four heavy points of meaning "to preserve a certain conception of the party, left-right reports, of the rally of the left, major issues of the presidential election". To return, it was that Lionel Jospin tightened responsibility yoke that weighs on his shoulders since the defeat of 2002: hence its repeated load against the error made by François Hollande at the referendum on Europe: "the leaders of the Socialist Party have called for a referendum which they knew although he split it... the PS is found before a baffling failure in 2005.". To return, he was also that it develops a small music likely to please his enemy brother Laurent Fabius, who considers him as Ségolène Royal as a usurpatrice. And it is thus that the Socialist Party is poised to be enrolled in a frontal quarrel between the old and the modern. On the one hand the pure, the other deviants. With all the risks that this entails for a party which has always been anxious to preserve its unity: a big humiliation for the camp which will lose and difficult to gather all of the troops at the time of the presidential battle. What do hesitate until the last moment Lionel Jospin who, like all its predecessors, had constantly play the inclusive and can hardly afford the luxury of a second defeat.

But in his mind, the issue seems to be heard: legitimate candidate can only be itself or first Secretary if he was in a situation. If adventure Ségolène Royal persisted adventure it was to be adouber by the militants, he would then conclude that the Socialist Party has actually transferred in depth and that it is able to bring out a new political offer in an attempt to overcome the double failure of 2002 and 2005. It would then be the triumph of a "third left" and the end of the Jospin years.